DTN News - INDIA ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS 2013 RESULTS: BJP Wins Congress Routed

Asian Defense News: DTN News - INDIA ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS 2013 RESULTS: BJP Wins Congress Routed
**Factors of Congress debacle - Foremost corruption, public's lack of trust in the UPA government, bar on  dynasty rule, Congress contrived cases via CBI on oppositoin and  protect tainted supporters / politicians

Source: DTN News - - This article compiled by K. V. Seth from reliable sources Defence News

(NSI News Source Info) TORONTO, Canada - December 8, 2013: Congress party's 0-4 mauling and BJP's triumph in three states in what was billed as the "semifinal" for the 2014 elections was the big headline, but the central takeaway on super Sunday was Aam Aadmi Party's stunning debut in Delhi, prising open space in national politics for an outsider.

Congress's debacle exposed its sliding popularity as well as Rahul Gandhi's failure to connect with the voters. It has also fortified the perception of Narendra Modi-led BJP being the frontrunner for 2014. For all practical purposes, the UPA government will now be a lame duck one.

The BJP won a three-fourth majority in Rajasthan, scored a two-third victory in Madhya Pradesh and beat back Congress in Chhattisgarh after a ding-dong battle. In Delhi, only AAP prevented BJP from a clear victory, but its tally of 31 still underscored its advantage over Congress which crumbled to a measly eight seats.

The clear man of the match was AAP's Arvind Kejriwal. He not only beat Sheila Dikshit by a margin of over 25,000 votes, his party fed off a deep disillusionment with the political class, boosting hopes of a new brand of politics, perhaps a desi version of the Arab Spring.

As a result, the spunky rookie subverted traditional assumptions about vote banks by drawing support from diverse socio-economic strata. AAP finished second to the BJP, but the victory of its greenhorn candidates over heavyweights belonging to Congress and BJP was reminiscent of the waves of 1977 and 1984, a feat that would encourage it to go beyond Delhi in 2014.

Predictably, there was a debate over how much the Modi factor impacted the BJP landslides in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh and in Chhattisgarh. Party insiders insisted Modi was a strong force multiplier and that in Delhi, he helped it emerge as the single-largest party.

Whatever the case, the result can only add to Modi's aura and provide BJP tailwind as it heads for the LS challenge. The fact that Congress succumbed to incumbency and crashed to humiliating defeats in Rajasthan and Delhi whereas BJP held its own in MP and Chhattisgarh would be cited to argue that something beyond "local issues" was in play here.

Both Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi acknowledged the role of larger factors in Congress defeats. But they said Gehlot's and Dikshit's losses were baffling, given their good governance records.

Sonia spoke of inflation, one of the many issues that Modi will exploit in 2014 when he, with his tantalizing promise of a decisive leader and much-trumpeted Gujarat model of development, will be in the fray himself, seeking to tap into the same yearning for change which helped Kejriwal in Delhi.

Rahul Gandhi acknowledged that there was a lesson in AAP's dramatic debut and said "aggressive changes" would now be carried out in the Congress to "embed" the common man in Congress programmes.

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DTN News - AFGHANISTAN FACTOR: Should India Provide Direct Military Aid To Afghanistan?

Asian Defense News: DTN News - AFGHANISTAN FACTOR: Should India Provide Direct Military Aid To Afghanistan?

Source: DTN News - - This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources By Javid Ahmad - NYTimes

(NSI News Source Info) TORONTO, Canada - May 14, 2013: Over the past decade, India has invested heavily in Afghanistan’s reconstruction. Recognizing India’s significant economic and development contributions, the United States has called on New Delhi to play an important role in the new Silk Road initiative aimed at transforming Afghanistan into a regional trade hub.

At the same time, New Delhi has been reluctant to become directly involved in supporting Afghanistan’s nascent security sector. The many uncertainties surrounding next year’s security transition from international to Afghan leadership raise further questions about New Delhi’s role in the Afghan endgame..

India’s decision-makers acknowledge that India’s own internal security would be at risk if the international drawdown from Afghanistan leaves behind a security vacuum that is filled by Pakistan-backed militant groups. New Delhi can no longer ignore the related consequences. And while some of the Pakistan-related sensitivities are important for India, it should not approach its relations with Afghanistan, a sovereign nation, solely from a Pakistan angle.

One way for New Delhi to overcome its anxieties and further cement ties with Kabul is to consider providing direct military assistance to the Afghan government and training support to the burgeoning Afghan National Security Forces. The India-Afghanistan Strategic Partnership Agreement signed in October 2011 already provides the staging ground for an increased military cooperation with Afghanistan. Under the agreement, India provides — though to a limited extent — training support and light military equipment to Afghan forces.

However, because of New Delhi’s hesitation to put military personnel on the ground, all trainings of Afghan forces are conducted inside India. Although New Delhi has deployed a small number of paramilitary forces to guard its diplomatic facilities and aid workers in Afghanistan after a number of attacks, the troops are not engaged in any combat or training missions. Looking ahead, India’s decision-makers should consider anchoring these troops to support the Afghan forces and also consider establishing a military training academy in Afghanistan for Afghan forces.

More specifically, India should focus on propping up the Afghan air force, which remains largely reliant on international air support. India should bolster the ability of the Afghan air force to more ably operate its current fleet of 50 helicopters. For Afghan forces, the helicopters are an essential tool for operational air support and for resupplying remote military outposts, so New Delhi should particularly focus on training the technical and maintenance staff, on supplying the necessary spare parts and on improving the Afghan aircrew’s medevac capability. By supplying an airbase support advisory team, India can augment the ability of the Afghan air force to support ground operations with troop and cargo movements and deploy Afghan forces across the country.

In addition to training support, India should consider providing the Afghan government with military hardware, including attack helicopters, a handful of fighter aircrafts, armored vehicles, artillery and tactical communication tools. New Delhi may boost these efforts by increasing its cooperation with Afghan intelligence services and provide specialized training to Afghan operatives in collecting technical and aerial intelligence.

Undeniably, these measures would come with important risks and constraints. For one, it would add further to Pakistan’s many deep-rooted security concerns. Pakistan could derail the incipient peace talks with the Taliban, increase its support to the insurgent elements it hosts on its soil to spur further violence in Afghanistan or employ militant groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba to strike more frequently in India or on Indian assets inside Afghanistan.

However, a closer India-Afghan relationship would be intended to strengthen the Afghan government so it can remain functioning after 2014, and not to monitor Pakistan’s activities. Pakistan must realize that India’s assistance will go directly to the Afghan government, and not to any Afghan factions, as it has been in the past. Pakistan must also recognize that closer ties with India in Afghanistan better serves the interests of all parties.

Kabul does not choose sides in its relations with India and Pakistan, and, as it does with New Delhi, Kabul can also work with Islamabad in security and other sectors, but Pakistan must first show a sincere effort that it is not working toward sinister strategic objectives in Afghanistan.

Looking ahead, India is expected to stay the course and stick to training the Afghan forces inside India to avoid any backlash. But Afghanistan would welcome greater military assistance from India. Growing frustration with Pakistan has also prompted Washington to seek more Indian engagement after former Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta, during a visit to New Delhi, called on India to continue training the Afghan forces.

India is uniquely placed to provide such support. It leads the world’s fourth-largest and modernized military force with extraordinary experience in training missions. India’s military could use the services of many India-trained Afghan security personnel buoyed by people-to-people contacts and linguistic affinity within Afghanistan.

A politically and economically stable Afghanistan is of a strategic significance to India, but more collaboration is necessary. Despite little support among India’s policy makers for greater military cooperation with Afghanistan, the lingering ambiguity around Afghanistan’s future after 2014 provides a good opportunity for New Delhi to step up its efforts to be a force for stability in the country. Afghanistan values its relations with India, and any future direct military and training support to Afghan forces would not only strengthen bilateral relations but would also play a significant role in enhancing Afghanistan’s security after international forces leave the country.

Javid Ahmad is a program coordinator for Asia at the German Marshall Fund of the United States and a consultant to Pentagon’s AfPak Hands program

*Link for This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources By Javid Ahmad - NYTimes
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DTN News - INDIA ECONOMY NEWS: Struggling Coalition Leaves Indian Economy In The Doldrums

Asian Defense News: DTN News - INDIA ECONOMY NEWS: Struggling Coalition Leaves Indian Economy In The Doldrums
*It didn't go unnoticed that the best news for the beleaguered Indian economy last week came not from the markets but the Gods via the weatherman
*India’s position dips in geopolitical index owing to corruption, misgovernance - IANS
*Report: India's treasury lost $210 billion in coal scandal - LA Times
*'The Mother Of All Sweetheart Deals' - Outlook India
Source: DTN News - - This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources By Dean Nelson, Delhi - Telegraph UK  
(NSI News Source Info) TORONTO, Canada - April 30, 2012: As India's once 'miraculous growth' story took a dark twist – Standard & Poors downgraded its outlook to 'negative' while Moody's blamed the ruling Gandhi family for the political paralysis behind faltering growth – the country's Met Office offered one silver lining. It ruled out the possibility that the monsoon rains would fail.

While Dr Manmohan Singh's government has lurched from one crisis to another and serious differences within his coalition have placed almost all reforms on hold, fear of a failed monsoon is the one thing which unites his fractious cabinet and Indian business leaders alike.

In the past few weeks temperatures in New Delhi have plummeted, raising concerns that the searing heat and dust needed for a torrential monsoon will not come, causing crops to fail and inflation to soar once again.

If the weathermen's forecast is correct, India's problem remains a longer term one. How to revive a 'flagging' growth rate of 7pc back towards the double-digit figure the country had in its sights barely two years ago.

According to S&P and Moody's, the root cause of the disappointing performance lies in the country's government. S&P said last week that India's rating could deteriorate further if "the external position continues to deteriorate, growth prospects diminish or progress on fiscal reforms remains slow in a weakened political setting."

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Moody's appeared to lay the blame for India's plight at the feet of the Gandhi family which controls the Congress Party, the leading group in the governing coalition. Sonia Gandhi and the party's heir Rahul Gandhi "blew their chance" to revive a programme of reforms in parliament by wasting their time campaigning in the Uttar Pradesh state elections, in which the party was humiliated and the government further weakened.

Prime minister Manmohan Singh had hoped to introduce a series of foreign investment and tax reforms to further open up the country's markets and make it an easier place for foreign and domestic companies to do business. But plans have been mothballed because the governing coalition partners cannot agree.

Plans to reduce government spending on fuel and other subsidies have been halted, while the widely quoted $1 trillion India must spend on upgrading infrastructure from roads to power plants has yet to leave the government's coffers.

A general air of gloom was compounded when the government's chief economic advisor Kaushik Basu warned a Washington think tank not to expect any reforms until a stronger government is elected after the 2014 elections. "We are going through a difficult year. (After 2014), you would see a rush of important reforms and after 2015 India would be one of the fastest growing economies of the world. The new government, if in a majority, would start with the reforms in a big way because there is a sense that it needs to pick up," he said.

In the meantime foreign investors are rejecting India in favour of rivals, while major Indian companies are spurning domestic opportunities in favour of investing overseas, says Subodh Agrawal of Mumbai and London-based Euromax Capital.

He claims clients are afraid of investing in India because they believe its government's decision-making has become increasingly unpredictable. The proposal to allow the government to make retroactive tax demands – after its courts rejected a $2bn tax demand to Vodafone over its acquisition of the mobile operator Hutchison – had made it impossible to sell India to prospective investors.

"S&P and Moody's have been kind to India. Its [real] forecast is doom and doom," he adds.

Jatinder Mehra, a director of the Essar Group, one of India's biggest business houses, says the government has depressed growth by over-reacting to inflation and focusing on curbing demand rather than solving supply problems.

Essar was a major partner in Vodafone India and has also been targeted by the government along with other companies whose 2G mobile phone operator licenses were revoked following corruption allegations. Essar has denied the allegations.

"The Indian economy is in slowdown mode. Last year growth dipped below 6pc, but we have seen 9pc. There is growth but it is slowing down," he says.

Vital investment in the country has contracted and consumption dipped following a series of anti-inflation measures taken in 2010-2011 which pushed interest rates beyond 14pc and reduced liquidity. "Instead of solving the supply constraints, demand was controlled through monetary initiatives, high interest, low liquidity, reduced investment and consumption," Mr Mehra explains.

Government attempts to appease lobby groups have also caused significant problems for the economy. The high inflation it was responding was in fact fuelled in part by welfare programmes for the poor which raised demand without tackling supply bottlenecks, the Essar executive says.

Environmentalist demands to halt coal mining in forest areas have affected the operation and opening of new power stations. "Essar has power plants, we have coal mines, but opening them is an issue," Mr Mehra says. The government's failure to stand up to environmental groups is harming development.

Deepak Talwar, a leading lobbyist and investor in India's hotel sector, says the government is in denial. Official measures to curb inflation have made finance prohibitively expensive and brought infrastructure projects to a standstill. His own hotel investments have been affected.

"The Reserve Bank of India kept raising interest rates and the government doesn't have the strength to say this is wrong for the economy. If you are not a group A borrower you are probably borrowing at 16pc – every project will be affected by that," he says.

The investment needed in roads is not happening because the government is not signing off projects, which means it still takes up to 48 hours for a good truck to drive 1,700 kilometres from Mumbai to Delhi. The problem, Mr Talwar says, is not in the fundamentals of the Indian economy, but in the political leadership above it. Smaller coalition partners are exploiting a gap between the government's real power centre, the Gandhi family, and the administration led by Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh.

Poor co-ordination between the Congress Party's political leadership and the government and lack of clear direction is creating a power vacuum. Mr Talwar's solution is to fill it with a Gandhi. "The political leadership must take over the executive. If Sonia Gandhi was prime minister, everyone would fall into line. Or Rahul Gandhi could become prime minister and get this story over with."

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*Link for This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources  By Dean Nelson, Delhi - Telegraph UK  
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DTN News - SPECIAL REPORT ON SPORTS: Shon Wan Ho of Korea Took Men's Single Badminton Championships Title At Yonex-Sunrise India Open 2012

Asian Defense News: DTN News - SPECIAL REPORT ON SPORTS: Shon Wan Ho of Korea Took Men's Single Badminton Championships Title At Yonex-Sunrise India Open 2012

Source: DTN News - - This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources BWF

(NSI News Source Info) TORONTO, Canada - April 29, 2012: Korea’s Shon Wan Ho won his first ever international title in style this week in New Delhi, making it a Superseries, with a victory over world #1 Lee Chong Wei to boot.

Shon Wan Ho of Korea (R) hugs his coach after defeating Malaysian badminton player Lee Chong Wei during their Men's Singles Final match of the Yonex-Sunrise India Open 2012 at the Siri Fort Sports Complex in New Delhi on April 29, 2012. Ho won 21-18, 14-21, 21-19.

BWF promote the sport of Badminton through an extensive and truly worldwide programme of events.  These events have various purposes according to their level and territory in which they are held but those events owned by BWF seek to showcase the Sport via the widest possible quality television broadcast  and build the fanbase of the Sport throughout the World. 

The world badminton tournament structure has four levels. The Thomas Cup & Uber Cup and Sudirman Cup are Teams Events. The others – Superseries, Grand Prix Events, International Challenge and International Series are all individual tournaments. The higher the level of tournament the larger the prize money and the better the ranking points available.

In addition BWF have responsibility for the International Calendar of Tournaments and Member Associations apply for BWF sanction for their tournaments in return for obligations such as complying with the Laws of Badminton and General Competition Regulations provides the Member Association with a date for their event and inclusion, if appropriate, in the World Ranking system.

Member Associations must apply to sanction a tournament at any of the above levels. The 
BWF Tournament Sanctioning Policy applies to the sanctioning of tournaments. Sanction forms for Level 2,  3 and 4 

Besides these, the Events Committee also appoints the various technical officials for the BWF events, Super Series and Grand Prix (including Grand Prix Gold) competitions.

(Photo - Getty)

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DTN News - DEFENSE NEWS: India’s Military Inferiority Complex

Asian Defense News: DTN News - DEFENSE NEWS: India’s Military Inferiority Complex
*Indian officials are preoccupied by China’s growing military power. They would do better to fix their own incoherent defense establishment.

Source: DTN News - - This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources By Trefor Moss - The Diplomat

(NSI News Source Info) TORONTO, Canada - March 24, 2012: Modern India is economically and strategically buoyant, and has every reason to feel confident as the 21^st century progresses. So it’s strange to think that this same confident place is developing an inferiority complex over China’s military power.

Never mind that New Delhi just announced a hefty 13 percent defense budget increase for 2012-13, or that the country is now the world’s biggest importer of military systems. Most Indian commentators seem to have digested these two pieces of news by focusing on the downside: that the country’s $39 billion defense budget remains quite modest compared with the $106 billion military budget at China’s disposal.

The critics should bear two things in mind before giving into defense budget envy. First, a 13 percent increase is actually very generous in the context of an Indian economy that’s only expected to grow by7.6 percent in the coming year. Larger increases aren’t only unaffordable but also strategically untenable, as they would alarm neighboring countries.

Second, the Indian military has long since accepted two facts of strategic life: that the Chinese military will always be bigger; and that it will always be richer.

That doesn’t mean the Chinese military will necessarily be better, and overcoming the comparative disadvantages of wealth and scale is what Indian military strategy, at least vis-à-vis China, is all about. The solution comes in two parts. First, the Indian military knows it has to focus on quality rather than quantity, investing in weapon systems that China, hindered by international arms embargoes, cannot match. It then also means capitalizing on regional unease about China’s rise and on forging smart alliances. China might be more powerful, but India knows it can be more popular.

The Indian media is therefore over hasty in viewing defense matters through the China inferiority lens. The Times of India, for example, headlined last week’s defense budget announcement by bemoaning the fact that the “Military plays catch-up but China [is] a long march ahead.”

That’s a self-defeating way to look at things. The important questions Indians should be asking are whether their government is giving defense the resources it needs – and based on successive double-digit spending increases, you’d have to say that it is; and whether that money is being used wisely to bankroll a coherent military modernization strategy. It’s when you look more closely at this second point that you begin to appreciate that India – not China – is its own worst enemy.

Writing in the Business Standard, Ajai Shukla observed this week that the Indian Army is being starved of funds, while the Navy and Air Force soak up all the investment. Indeed, the numbers don’t look good from the Army’s perspective. The Air Force has a capital expenditure to operational cost ratio of two to one; the ratio for the Navy is about three to two. By contrast, the Army spends six times as much on day-to-day running costs as it does on new equipment.

However, such ratios are a fact of life when you have an army of over a million active personnel whose poor pay and conditions you are attempting to upraise over time. China, with its 2 million increasingly well-paid troops, has exactly the same headache of rising everyday bills eating away at budget increases. And there’s also no getting away from the fact that India, despite its expanding resources, can’t buy everything at once. With several costly Air Force and Navy programs currently underway, such as the procurement of the Dassault Rafale fighter and new naval frigates, the Army has been obliged to wait in line. Now, it can rightfully claim to have moved to the front of the queue.

Of greater concern is the tenacious ineptitude of India’s defense bureaucracy. In the last financial year, as in most others, the Defense Ministry failed to spend all of the cash at its disposal thanks purely to red tape. That’s the first thing that needs to be fixed.

The government then needs to redouble its efforts to introduce a functioning procurement system. More often than not, India’s attempts to buy equipment become tortuous and wasteful. In January, Army Chief Gen. V.K. Singh, himself a recent victim of his country’s eccentric bureaucracy, suggested wearily that, “the procurement game is a version of snakes and ladders where there is no ladder but only snakes, and if the snakes bite you somewhere, the whole thing comes back to zero.” His exasperation centered on the army’s efforts, initiated 10 years ago, to buy new artillery; the process has just resulted in the blacklistingof six foreign defense contractors but, as yet, no new guns.

Another example is the acquisition of 75 much-needed Pilatus PC-7 Mk II trainer aircraft, announced last year, which now faces delays – like so many procurements before it – over allegations of irregularities in the bidding process. Worryingly, though perhaps predictably, questions are now also being asked about the flagship Rafale procurement.

Third, the government should re-evaluate the role of the domestic defense industry, which currently does a lot of things badly. It should be made to start doing a few things well. India’s Defense Research and Development Organization (DRDO) recently complained that it doesn’t have enough money – but that has never been its problem. The agency has a track record of initiating overambitious programs and then executing them poorly, as the travails of the Tejas light combat aircraft, to name but one example, continue to demonstrate. For the sake of both the taxpayer and the military, the Defense Ministry should focus the DRDO and the defense industry on developing a realistic core of indigenous capabilities, and then just import everything else.

So India is wrong to feel inferior just because China has more soldiers and more money. The problem is the incoherence of India’s defense establishment, from industry through to government – therein lies the inferiority. It’s a danger to Indian security that has nothing to do with China, and that’s within India’s own power to put right.

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*Link for This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources By Trefor Moss - The Diplomat
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